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Eight years after 43 died in Genoa, an Italian court names the cost

An Italian court has sentenced 32 defendants, including former Autostrade chief Giovanni Castellucci, for the 2018 collapse of the Morandi bridge that killed 43 people. The verdict closes a chapter, not a debate.

A yellow crane operates on a partially collapsed bridge spanning a river, with workers present and surrounding infrastructure visibly damaged.
A yellow crane operates on a partially collapsed bridge spanning a river, with workers present and surrounding infrastructure visibly damaged. @tasnimnews_en · Telegram

On 16 July 2026, eight years and almost eleven months after a 200-metre section of the Morandi motorway bridge sheared away in a Ligurian thunderstorm and dropped onto the warehouses below, a Genoa court returned guilty verdicts against 32 defendants and sent the former head of Italy's motorway operator to prison for twelve years. Giovanni Castellucci, who ran Autostrade per l'Italia until 2019, is the most prominent name on a list that also includes former engineers, managers, and officials from the transport ministry, the infrastructure oversight body, and the toll-road group itself. The convictions, delivered in the late afternoon in a converted hall at the Genoa trade fair, bring to a formal close the criminal phase of one of post-war Italy's worst infrastructure failures.

The trial did not answer a single question so much as it converted a long list of suspicions into a single, dated, written finding. Forty-three people died on 14 August 2018. The court, on Thursday, attached named defendants to named failures, and attached years in prison to those failures. That is the news. The argument underneath it is bigger, and older.

What the court actually said

The verdict came down at roughly 14:00 UTC. According to reporting from FRANCE 24's English service on 16 July 2026, the Genoa court sentenced 32 defendants, with Castellucci receiving twelve years and additional terms handed to former Autostrade engineers and to officials from the ministry of infrastructure and the transport regulator. The BBC's same-day report, drawing on the court readout, framed the sentences as direct accountability for the collapse that killed 43. The France 24 French-language Telegram channel carried a parallel account identifying the eight-year interval between the disaster and the judgment as itself a significant fact. A penalty is not only a number. It is also a clock. Eight years is a long clock.

Castellucci's defence team had argued throughout that the collapse was an unforeseeable event linked to the original 1960s design and to weather conditions in the hours before the failure. The court rejected that line. So did the public mood. Italy's private motorway concession regime, in which Autostrade per l'Italia operated and maintained a network whose maintenance backlog had become a national talking point long before August 2018, was the structural backdrop the prosecution kept returning to. The convictions say, in effect, that the company's stewardship of a public asset was a knowing, repeated, and documented failure, not a single bad morning.

The longer shadow of the concession

The Morandi verdict lands inside an infrastructure economy that has spent the last decade learning to distrust its own balance sheets. Castellucci was chief executive of Autostrade per l'Italia from 2001 to 2019 and sat on the board of its then-parent Atlantia for most of that period. The bridge that bore his company's name did not collapse in a vacuum. By 2018, Italian engineers had been publishing concerns about the cable-stayed spans for years. Whistleblowers inside the operator had raised internal alarms about the pace of retrofitting on the so-called "Pillar 9" stack, the section that failed. Maintenance spending, in aggregate, was a line item the operator's owners preferred to defer. The court did not have to take the political economy of Italian motorways as its brief, but its verdict cannot be read without it.

The public row is also financial. The Italian state took back effective control of Autostrade per l'Italia after the collapse, in a 2021 transaction that saw Atlantia relinquish the concession through a vehicle then folded into a new state-backed holding company. The state has, since, spent several billion euros on remediation, retrofitting, and the partial reconstruction of the Polcevera valley crossing. The criminal verdict now puts a judicial price tag on the prior private stewardship. Whether civil damages follow in greater volume is the next phase. Plaintiffs' lawyers indicated on Thursday that further claims would proceed.

What the evidence base actually looks like

The prosecution's case rested on a wide documentary record. Internal Autostrade emails, board minutes, and maintenance-cycle audits were entered into evidence, alongside expert testimony from structural engineers about the corrosion of the stay cables that held up the failed span. The court heard that a 2014 internal assessment flagged concerns about the durability of the prestressed concrete stays. The defence argued the warnings were technical and routine, not actionable in the sense the law requires. The court disagreed.

Two structural points deserve to be made explicit. First, the cable-stayed design that the original engineer, Riccardo Morandi, used in the 1960s was a sophisticated bet on the chemistry of the prestressed concrete. That bet aged badly in a coastal, salt-laden atmosphere, especially on a span carrying tens of thousands of vehicles a day. Second, the maintenance regime for that chemistry was a contract, not a constant. Whoever held the contract held the risk. The court found that the holder of that contract knew, and deferred, and that the deferrals killed people.

What is not yet settled

The defence has signalled it will appeal. Italian appellate courts routinely revisit both liability findings and sentence lengths in cases of this scale, and a final ruling could be years away. The civil track, with hundreds of plaintiffs drawn from families of the dead, residents, and businesses damaged by the collapse, is at an earlier stage still. The wider regulatory question of how Italy supervises its private motorway concessions is also unresolved. The state has more direct control today, but the policy framework for what used to be called the "concession model" is still being rewritten. The verdict is a judgment on past conduct. It is not a settlement of the politics around the model.

What remains genuinely uncertain, the sources do not resolve: the precise apportionment of culpability between Autostrade's engineering function and its board-level strategic decision-making, and whether any further defendants will face fresh charges as the appellate process unfolds. The number 32 is the court's answer today. It may not be the last number.

The families of the 43 dead sat through eight years of procedural grinding to hear their names attached to prison sentences. That is the verdict. The structural argument underneath, about who owns the risk when a private company runs a piece of a country's public spine, is the part that has not yet been answered in writing.

This publication framed the Genoa verdict as a piece of infrastructure-accountability reporting first, and as a concession-economy story second. The wire led with casualty counts and sentence lengths; we led with the eight-year interval and the documentary record that made the conviction possible.

Wire provenance

This editorial synthesis draws on the following public wire/social posts:

  • https://t.me/france24_fr
Source record supplied with this article
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